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DC Water Wants to Help Congress Cut Budget
July 26, 2011
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-John Boehner, new Speaker of the House, recently announced plans to cut the U.S. House of Representatives office budgets in hopes of helping reduce the U.S. budget deficit. After the announcement, D.C. Water announced its own plans to help.
In the first quarter of 2010 alone, the House spent $190,000 on bottled water. D.C. Water’s General Manager George S. Hawkins heard this and had ten sample reusable water bottles sent to Boehner’s office along with a letter of support and an offer to supply each Congressman with a reusable bottle. The letter advocated the elimination of bottled water for both financial and environmental reasons.
The production and transportation of bottled water uses enough oil each year to fuel about 1.5 million cars, and nearly 2.5 millions tons of plastic bottles were thrown away in 2008, having a noticeably damaging impact upon the environment.
First Car Charging Station Opens in the District
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-The first residential car charging station in the District recently opened in the residences of 425 Mass, an apartment complex on Massachusetts Avenue. Electric cars allow for reduced fuel cost and lower fuel consumption, and support the idea of and energy-independent America. Many policymakers have become strong advocates of this new technology. They have been supporting the use of electric vehicles by offering tax credits and other financial incentives to potential buyers. 425 Mass also partnered with Car Charging Group, Inc. to encourage the new technology.
Cherry Blossom Festival Events
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As the dreary winter weather bids Washington its final adieu, the Cherry Blossom Festival lifts the spirits of residents and visitors who come to enjoy the official bloom of spring.
The first day of the festival, March 26, features a number of events and celebrations around town.
Go on a three-mile Cherry Chit-Chat Run around the mall, starting at the Washington Monument, 8 a.m.
Family Day at the National Building Museum is a festival in itself for “kids of all ages.” A number of hands-on activities as well as live music will celebrate and explore Japanese arts and design.
Taking sail at three times throughout the day on Saturday and Sunday, Cherry Blossom River Teas features a full service English ‘high tea’ aboard a classic yacht while cruising by the blossoms. Serving soups, tea sandwiches, scones and teas, the cruise sets off at Washington Maria.
Hear the music of spring floating through the air at Eastern Market as the sounds of springtime jazz, world-beat, Americana, classical, and spoken word accompany Eastern Market’s foods, arts and crafts.
From Eastern Market, jump on the metro and head over to the Smithsonian for the Blossoms Secrets Stroll taking place from 2 – 4 p.m. The walking tour recounts the story and sites of how the Japanese cherry trees came to Washington.
The Opening Ceremony, officially kicking off the Festival, will take place at the Building Museum immediately following Family Day at 4 p.m. A number of performances, including Takehiro Ueyama’s TAKE dance company will start the 16-day citywide celebration.
Monuments-by-Moonlight River Cruises close out the opening day celebrations from the Washington Marina at 7:30 – 9:15 p.m. and 9:30 – 11:15 p.m.
But the Festival continues. Travel to Japan Saturday and Sunday at the Freer Gallery of Art and learn about the art’s importance in Japanese culture past and present. 1 p.m.
The Blossom Kite Festival on the Washington Monument Grounds takes flight March 27, 10 a.m. – 4 p.m.
Enjoy the cool spring air at night with a Lantern Walk guided by the light of festive lanterns as rangers guide an evening stroll around the Tidal Basin. The walks take place Saturday and Sunday from 8 – 10 p.m. at the Paddle Boat Station.
Starting on the 26 and continuing through the end of the festival, a number of farms and gardens open their doors for visitors to encounter the beauty of nature in full bloom. River Farm and Green Spring Garden in Alexandria along with Meadowlark Gardens in Vienna all welcome Festival visitors with a free memento.
An array of diverse talent takes the stage at Sylvan Theater throughout the Festival. Varied genres of music and dance, martial arts exhibitions and marching bands will be featured from 12 – 5 p.m. on weekdays, and 12 – 6 p.m. on the weekends.
Macy’s Metro Center Cherry Blossom Show will host two weeks of in-store special events, including musical and dance performances, fashion presentations and cooking demonstrations.
The Hillwood Museum Estate and Gardens hosts Paul MacLardy, co-author of “Kimono, Vanishing Tradition” and owner of Arise Bazaar, as he presents a brief overview of Japanese kimono traditions, history, textiles, and symbolism. Followed by a trunk show in Hillwood’s Museum Shop. April 2, 2 – 3:30 p.m.
Silver Springs’s Big Cherry Block Party, 11 a.m. – 7 p.m. in downtown Silver Spring features a number of art and craft booths, entertainment, food and karaoke.
If you cant make it to Silver Spring, hang around the Potomac and Anacostia rivers for DISC Cherry Blossom Regatta. The sailboat races can be viewed from the water aboard the M/V Patriot II, which will be offering a Cherry Blossom Regatta cruise.
Head down to Gangplank Marina at 2 and 4 p.m. everyday throughout the Festival for a relaxing cruise down the Potomac around Hains Point for a fantastic view of the trees. Then on April 2 jump on board for a dinner cruise where you can catch the fireworks.
The Festival Fireworks Show will light up the sky on April 2 from Waterfront Park. Best viewing of the show can be found at Southwest Waterfront promenade or East Potomac Park. 8:30 – 9 p.m.
The Parade, which runs down Constitution Ave from 7th to 17th Streets, closes out the festival April 9, 10 a.m. – noon. Catch a glimpse of lavish floats, giant helium balloons, marching bands and performers as they make their way down the route.
With a number of other events going on throughout the festival (March 26 – April 10 in its entirety) it is hard to not catch the blossom bug.
Visit NationalCherryBlossomFestival.org for more information on all the festivities.
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Boffi is Back
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After a swift remodeling beginning in April of this year, innovative kitchen and bathroom designer Boffi has reopened their doors on M Street with brand new designs that seamlessly integrate their innovative blend of modern aesthetics with artisan tradition.
Upon walking into the newly designed store you are guided through the showrooms by the sleek, clean lines of the model, which direct you in and out of the spaces so naturally you might not realize you’re being persuaded. Along the way, your eyes stray from the smoothly beaten path, finding long expanses of custom countertops, shelving, wide-mouthed sinks (the daydreams of serious cooks), and luxurious modern bathtubs in haute blacks, whites, silvers, and browns.
Roberto Gavazzi, CEO of Boffi, delights in the idea of bringing Boffi’s signature style to Georgetown. Unlike other big cities, Washington – and specifically Georgetown – is filled with wonderfully antiquated, colonial homes; the perfect palette on which to bring out the dynamic designs Boffi creates. “It is what you see in the current trends,” says Gavazzi, “to mix things with very strong combinations of products coming from very different cultures, and from very different styles. Here, you see a raw wall of bricks close to a very clean and aggressive kitchen. In an old mansion here, it would really be a very nice contrast.”
However, the Boffi designs aren’t only for those with an eye for pushing the envelope of interior decoration. While the store offers kitchens that can be very aggressive and modern, there are also many ways to adjust their furniture to be warm and conservative.
“You can moderate the presentation in a way that is more acceptable to someone who wants something more reassuring,” says Gavazzi. “While when you are with somebody else who wants a more aggressive, ‘New York’ type of kitchen, you can go with a stainless steel solution, totally clean and simple. We have this possibility of really adapting our lines to the type of customer we are in front of.”
But at the end of the day, the store preserves the fact that their customers are buying an overall Boffi style. “We will never completely change the basic way of being that Boffi transmits,” says Gavazzi. Started in 1934 in Milan, Italy, the company has a long history being a high-end, trendsetting designer of comprehensive furniture packages, or modular system products, as they call them.
Buying a kitchen or bathroom from Boffi is not like purchasing other furniture. Buying a sofa, for instance, is quite simple. You keep it for a few years, and when you tire of it you get rid of it, get a new one. Buying an entire kitchen can be more complicated. You will most likely be stuck with the one you choose for the duration of your time in that house. So it’s important to get one that suits you.
That’s why Boffi works with the architects and designers to incorporate the kitchen into each individual space. The showrooms are there to expose the product in the best way, from warmer and more intimate, to modern, clean and aggressive.
“What we like to offer is a very international style for people who are from different places,” says Gavazzi. “We are quite an international company in general,” which nonetheless offers a universally Boffian way of looking at furniture and lifestyle.
At Boffi Georgetown’s grand opening on the evening of September 16th (though they had officially reopened back in August), Boffi’s premier art director Pierro Lissoni, who designed a huge percentage of the overall line, mingled with Georgetowners and delighted in the opportunity to bring his signature style to one of DC’s most cultured neighborhoods.
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“One life: Katharine Graham” at the National Portrait Gallery
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That small room in the National Portrait Gallery housing “One Life”, the series of exhibitions begun since the completed renovation of the Reynolds Center, may be one of the biggest rooms in the whole building. “One Life”, after all, attempts to squeeze into a small, square room a summation of an entire American life with a minimum of artifacts, paintings and photographs. Not an easy task when you’re dealing with the previous tenants.
There was Walt Whitman, the outsized poet of the outsized American experience; Thomas Paine, the inspiring, iconoclastic political pamphleteer of inspiration for the American revolution; there was most recently Elvis Presley, king of rock and roll, an entire American cultural invention unto himself.
There was Abraham Lincoln. No one sentence would suffice.
There was the first Katharine, the grand dame and Dame of American movies, Katharine Hepburn, or Katharine the Great.
And there is today the other Katharine, Katharine Graham, the publisher of the Washington Post, who made the Post one of the truly great newspapers of the world in what may arguably have been the last golden age, the Indian summer of the newspaper business.
Probably no previous subject of the “One Life” series means quite so much to the current residents of this city as this one – even Lincoln or Elvis. Katharine Graham, as a prominent figure, as a publisher of a national newspaper, as a deeply powerful and influential national and international figure, rose to real prominence in 1963 when she became the publisher of the Washington Post after the shocking and tragic suicide of her husband Phil Graham. At sea in a role she never anticipated, even though she grew up in the world of the Post her father had bought in the 1930s, she learned quickly and adapted, overcame painful shyness, and in a unique partnership with Managing Editor Ben Bradlee, guided the paper in short order through the risky and courageous business of printing the Pentagon Papers (though the New York Times fell into the same category), exploding Watergate onto the front pages of a major newspaper, and afterwards, surviving an almost ruinous printers’ strike in the 1970s.
She was, as it turned out, tough.
That’s certainly the impression you get from the first photograph you see upon entering the exhibition – the famous, iconic, dramatic, almost forbidding black and white portrait taken by Richard Avedon in March of 1976.
She stares at the camera sternly, challengingly, even quizzically. Her arms are folded. Her mind appears made up about something. She has, for want of a better word, a certain gravitas there, earned honestly and with great difficulty in a world completely dominated by men, even in the ‘70s.
It’s not an entirely inviting image to an exhibition, but it takes care of summing up Graham as, by that time and certainly for the rest of her life, one of the most powerful women—people—in the world.
“It’s not something you could leave out,” says Curator Amy Henderson, who normally organizes exhibitions on popular culture icons like…say, the other Katharine, Katharine Hepburn. “The image
is iconic, and it shows that toughness, that courage which let her accomplish what she did. It’s a way in. But we wanted to do a lot more. We wanted to show a little bit of what made Katharine Graham the woman and person she became.”
The “We” Henderson refers to was a notable duo of consultants who knew Graham intimately. Pie Friendly, a researcher at the National Portrait Gallery, knew Graham socially through her husband
and father-in-law, journalist and writer Alfred Friendly Jr., and former Post Managing Editor Al Friendly, respectively. Liz Hylton, Graham’s personal assistant, provided access to photos and memorabilia and anecdotal material. “It was just us three ladies,” Henderson said. “The Washington Post and the Graham family were tremendously helpful.”
“We all knew each other,” Friendly said. “You would always cross paths through the paper, schools, parties and social occasions. I respected and admired her tremendously. She was a woman in a man’s world, truly. She was straight forward, honest. You cannot imagine what it must have been like for her, but she did more than persevere. She made the Post a great newspaper. It was just tremendous fun working on this, it really was. And mind you, she fired my father-in-law and replaced him with Ben Bradlee.”
Henderson was obviously limited in terms of space, so there’s a lot more that could have found its way into a larger exhibition. But what resides tells her story, fleshes her out, and portrays Graham
in full.
“It’s interesting going through these photographs—of which there were a lot,” Henderson said. “You get a sense of a woman, a girl, who was raised in a privileged world, was raised in her father’s newspaper business [working as a reporter]…who met and married a man she absolutely adored, and wanted nothing more than to be a wife, a mother, raise her children and do good deeds, and perhaps be a social leader. She never expected to be what she became. It required reinvention of the most difficult sort.”
When Henderson talks about Graham—whom she never met, she will tell you—certain words recur with regularity, as they do when you talk with Pie Friendly: “forthrightness, honesty, integrity, courage, resilience.” These are, of course, all qualities that elicit great admiration, without necessarily revealin a human being so much as a statue.
The pictures and artifacts, carefully selected by the trio of women, accomplish that job, even if the two videos (for the NPG’s Living History series by former director Mark Pachter) in which Graham talks about Watergate and the Pentagon Papers don’t entirely do so. There are many pictures, for instance, in which some form of the Graham sternness of the Avedon image are repeated: Graham with her editors, Graham at a meeting of the Associated Press National Board, Graham unsmiling in lots of photos.
But there are also a lot of portraits of Graham smiling, laughing with her head thrown back, and the smile and laugh show a woman transformed: a fun loving person in the moment. It’s a pretty dazzling smile she’s got there. And not one easy to acquire given the charismatic but self-absorbed nature of the dazzling Agnes Ernst Meyer, her mother, shown in a haunting photograph taken by no less a photographer than Edward Steichen. Her father, Eugene Meyer, while he encouraged and obviously loved his daughter, was rarely accessible and often distant. And there was the kinetic, hypnotic Phil Graham, who became publisher of the Post and absolutely swept Katharine away, until his instability began to overtake him.
What did she achieve? Take a look at the AP meeting portrait: a semi-circular made up entirely
of men who look somewhat like the cast of “Mad Men” in late middle age, minus cocktail
and cigarettes. And there is Graham, alone as a woman, but uncommonly self-assured. In her memoir, she wrote that she accepted life in a man’s world but then ended up leading a change in that world.
Watergate and the Pentagon Papers, and the Post’s growing reputation as a writer and reporter’s paper under Graham’s leadership, steered the paper into a stratosphere occupied by few publications.
Both the Pentagon Paper publication and, even more so Watergate, were dangerous times for the Post, but also thrilling and memorable times. In a way, the Post helped bring down a president, and the movie version of the Woodward-Bernstein saga “All The President’s Men” did not change that perception. Graham herself began to become an influential social lioness, and you can see her light up like a Christmas tree with Jacqueline Kennedy in New York, and at the black and white ball thrown by Truman Capote in her honor.
The infamous—therefore treasured—showdown with then-Attorney General John Mitchell, in which he blustered that Kate had gotten her tit in a wringer, resulted in a gift of a miniature wringer and small jeweled replicas of a wringer and a breast, which she wore proudly and with grand humor. They are among the artifacts on view, which also include the first hand-written page of her Pulitzer Prize-winning
memoir and the mask she wore to Truman Capote’s black and white ball.
The strike was difficult for Graham and in squashing the union she acquired, unfairly said a Post reporter, a reputation for ruthlessness. “Not so, not so,” said Robert Kaiser, who wrote the official story on the strike for the Post, “without any interference from her.”
“That was undeserved. She was the ideal publisher if you were a reporter.”
For most of us who were not Posties, the paper nevertheless was a daily presence in its headiest period, and Graham, for Georgetowners, living in her mansion, was an uncrowned queen. When she passed away, the funeral at the National Cathedral and subsequent wake at her home seemed like one last gathering for which she had called upon the world to come. And the world came.
The exhibition, which gets all the right things in that small room, seems particularly poignant in a time when the idea of great newspapers seems more memory, and a memory without a future at that. You feel almost glad that she’s not here to see the confusion and decline and predicted disappearance of newspapers in the 21st Century.
On the other hand, she might have found a way to prevent all that, to persevere. That Avedon picture, that look, those crossed arms seem to indicate that she just might have done it. [gallery ids="99247,104180,104159,104176,104172,104168,104164" nav="thumbs"]
Memories of Georgetown
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I came to Washington in the mid 1970s, after living ten years in the San Francisco Bay Area, during a turbulent, heady period working on two different daily newspapers. I’ve never quite been able to satisfactorily explain to myself, or people who know me, why I came. Usually, I make a joke about it.
During the late 1970s — post Watergate, post Gerald Ford even, Carter in mid-malaise — I lived on Capitol Hill, where a group of friends once held an alley-stoop neighborhood party. A young go-getting politician and school board member named Marion Barry found his way to the party. He whizzed by in a frenzied, hand-shaking Afro blur but made an impression. People there, mostly white, talked about him. He was running for mayor, taking on the venerable Walter Washington, the city’s first mayor under Home Rule.
By around 1980, I started writing for The Georgetowner, and the first story I ever wrote for this publication was a detailed from-afar look at Ted Kennedy’s disaster of a challenge against President Carter, a disaster redeemed in part by a defiant, eloquent convention speech. The very next story that I recall was an interview-profile of the legendary stripper, Blaze Starr, backstage at the notorious Silver Slipper Burlesque House, in the New York Avenue area. Starr was futilely enamored of politicians — she had affairs with Earl Long, the Governor of Louisiana (captured nicely in a movie called “Blaze”), and the mayor of Philadelphia, Mr. Rizzo. It’s thirty years and hundreds and hundreds of stories later, and some things have changed…
Michelle Rhee’s Mutual Resignation
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-That thumping noise you might have heard sometime on Wednesday of this week? Don’t fret. It was just the other shoe dropping in the great back-and-forth saga of the fate of DCPS Chancellor Michelle Rhee in the aftermath of the tumultuous Democratic Party Primary in which DC Council Chairman Vincent Gray prevailed over incumbent Mayor Adrian Fenty.
Will she or won’t she? Will he or won’t he?
She won’t be…staying. And he didn’t…fire her. Word leaked Wednesday that Michelle Rhee would be resigning from her job as chancellor. This, apparently, after a number of telephone conversations between Rhee and Gray following a lengthy meeting between the two in which the issue of whether she would be staying, long-term or short-term, was not dealt with.
Gray did not fire Rhee, according to both. It was a mutual decision, as both of them belabored to the press at a conference called by Gray at the Mayflower Hotel the following day. The press conference was notable for its strangely muted tone, and for the debut of newly named interim chancellor Kaya Henderson, Rhee’s right-hand person at DPCS.
Gray’s choice of Henderson was a signal to the many voters, particularly in the predominantly white Wards two and three, that he would continue apace with school reform, which had been energetically, and often dramatically and controversially conducted by the energetic and sometimes undiplomatic Rhee. In the course of her stewardship of the DC schools, Rhee accomplished a lot, and fast: she closed schools, sometimes summarily, fired principals, improved the infrastructure, and twice conducted large firings of teachers. Under Rhee, test scores improved, and enrollment and graduation rates went up. In the course of over three years, she also became a national figure (Time Magazine covers, a major role in the documentary “Waiting for Superman”), and something of a poster child for proponents of national education reform.
But if there was lots of praise, there was also a deteriorating relationship with the poorer and black residents of the city who felt left out of the process—an anger that was mirrored in declining and troubling polls for Fenty, which signaled his eventual downfall. And Rhee was all but attached at the hip to Fenty, going so far as to campaign with him, and to criticize Gray for what she saw as not a lacking commitment to reform.
The dust has settled. The shoe dropped. And the official announcement came accompanied by a show of bonhomie, mutual support and certain hopefulness. All the principals—Fenty, Rhee and Gray—repeatedly said that the decision had been arrived at mutually. In fact, the word “mutual” was used so often that you expected a bell to ring, announcing the end of the day’s trading.
Rhee contended, as she does with most things, that her continued presence and the continued speculation about her future was not best for the children. “That’s what this has always been about,” she said. “Not the adults, but the children.
“We decided mutually that reform was best served and would continue strongly with this decision,” she said. “It was best for this reformer to step aside.”
Gray’s choice of Henderson, which meant that most of the top echelon of Rhee’s team would stay, gave him further bonafides as a reformer. “We cannot and will not return to the days of incrementalism,” Gray said.
Reporters, impatient and grumbling, were not convinced. “Was it that she didn’t want to stay, or you (Gray) didn’t want her to stay?” a television reporter asked. “Which was it?”
“It was a mutual decision arrived at over several conversations over the phone,” Gray said, and Rhee nodded in agreement.
While rumors had been out there, the news of Rhee’s sudden resignation still came as a surprise. As late as over a week ago, Gray told us that nothing was off the table, including the prospect of Rhee’s staying. The announcement of a mutual, shared decision appeared to adopt a balancing act in which Gray was not forced to fire her (or accept her), and Rhee did not appear to leave a job undone.
A national television reporter asked Fenty if it was possible that Rhee was forced out by pressure from the teacher’s union, which, in spite of signing a contract with Rhee, was bitter about two rounds of teacher firings. “It was a mutual decision,’ Fenty answered.
There was a lot of hugging going on—it was a regular love feast. Rhee hugged Henderson, Rhee and Gray hugged, Fenty and Gray hugged.
Only a few questions were allowed before the quartet left the podium. Rhee did not answer questions about her future, although it’s been widely speculated that she might take on a national role in the reform movement. Fenty continued to say that he would help mightily with the transition, that he would support Gray in every way.
Although not enough as it seems to appear. As of Wednesday, in at least one in a series of town hall meetings that Gray has been holding all over the city’s wards—especially Ward 3, where Fenty and Rhee are hugely popular—Fenty has declined Gray’s invitations to join him at the meetings. “Well, he invited me to all of them,” Fenty said. “It’s just been very busy.”
Apparently Fenty knew something was up. Asked how long he had known about the resignation, he said “A couple of weeks…well, maybe a week, I couldn’t tell you for sure.”
Fenty also declined to ask the people running a Fenty write-in campaign for the November 2 election to stop doing so. “It’s not my place to tell people what to do,” he said. “I’ve repeatedly said to them and everybody that I support Chairman Gray in the election and every other way.”
Stay tuned.
Vincent Gray Pledges to Unify the City Once Again
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Vincent Gray strode toward the microphone in front of the Washington Court Hotel Wednesday with a confident spring in his step, looking fresh and energetic.
“My God, he looks rested,” said one of the dozens of reporters, photographers, and television crewmembers who had gathered here around noon.
Amazingly, Gray looked, talked and acted sharp, like a man with eight hours of sleep under his belt. Which probably wasn’t so. He was giving his first press conference as the winner of the District of Columbia’s Democratic Primary over incumbent Adrian Fenty, getting a surprisingly solid six-point victory with 53% of the vote to Fenty’s 47%. The last count had Gray with 59,285 votes and Fenty with 50,850 votes.
Given that only four years ago Fenty swept every precinct and every ward en route to a stunning win over City Council Chairperson Linda Cropp, becoming the city’s youngest mayor in the short history of home rule, Gray’s victory, which wasn’t really nailed down until the wee hours of the morning, was an astounding and probably historic turn-around.
It was also a clear sign that Gray had been correct early in his campaign when he said that the city was never more divided. “I am humbled by the victory we won,” Gray said. “And I am thankful for all the people across the city that made this possible with their votes. But I realize that there were also many people who did not vote for me, and I want to reach out to them. I want to unite this city once again.
The victory was achieved – it’s safe to say – along racial and economic lines, with many black voters favoring Gray over Fenny. Fenty lost because many voters felt excluded from the changes that were occurring under Fenty, especially in school reform. It was a battle over style and voters apparently preferred Gray’s evident style of consensus-making, thoughtfulness and inclusion. Fenty had plenty of warning that this personality, style, and character issue was important to many people. First revealed in a Washington Pots poll in January, it was cited as the main cause for Gray’s double-digit lead in a Post poll several weeks ago.
“Now is the time to move forward,” Gray said at the press conference. “[Let] now be the time for the city to unite.”
Now was a time many reporters were prodding Gray to say what was coming next, which is to say that they found ways to ask the questions about the fate of the often-controversial school chancellor Michelle Rhee. During the campaign Gray was asked at every turn whether he would fire Rhee. He never did say. He wasn’t saying now either. “I put in a call to her,” he said. “We will be sitting down and talking. I haven’t heard back yet. I imagine she’s busy. She’s running our schools, after all.”
Other than announcing that there would be a transition team, Gray in fact would not deal with names and faces. “I’m not talking about personnel decisions right now,” he said. “There will be time enough for that. We are still facing serious problems right now, especially on budget matters. I’m still the Chairman of the City Council.”
He was asked who would head the transition team or who would be part of it. “It’s a process,” he said.
“Yes,” Tom Sherwood of NBC 4 said, “but will it move quickly?”
“I talked with Mayor Fenty today,” Gray said. “We had a great conversation. I know that he loves this city, and wants nothing but the best for the city. He assured he would do everything he could to help with the transition.”
Gray said he got no indication that Fenty might be considering a run in the general election as an independent. “I didn’t get any sense of that,” Gray said.
“I meant everything I said about transparency in my administration,” he said. “This is going to be an open government. I want people to feel empowered, not disenfranchised. My door will be open. And for the press, I’ll be having regular press conferences.”
“The onus is obviously on me now,” Gray said. “I expect to be held accountable.”
Winning the democratic primary meant that Gray is all but assured of winning the general election in November and will become Washington’s oldest elected mayor. Although, as was noted, he sure didn’t look it or act it.
Election night, in fact, was full of confusion and uncertainty until well past midnight. At the hotel where Gray held a gathering for his followers, a strange atmosphere prevailed early in the night, and lasted well until midnight. Nobody knew anything. For an event full of politicos and campaign workers, the silence was nerve-wracking. Nary a rumor or piece of gossip managed to surface. All people knew was that there were no results forthcoming from the Board of Elections, where a major case of the slows and computer glitches were occurring.
Fenty did not concede until, “…we have official results from the Board of Elections.” The delays from the Board of Elections were heavily criticized by followers of both candidates and frustrated news reporters from all media. Even the bloggers and internet world couldn’t come up with a single voting result.
Gray, it’s now clear, will also be joined by Kwame Brown, who fended off challenger Vincent Orange to win the Democratic Primary for the City Council Chairman position, Gray’s old job. “I look forward to working with Kwame, who ran a fine campaign, and with whom I’ve already had a great working relationship…” said Gray.
In the other city-wide election, Phil Mendelson at last overcame the great Michael D. Brown confusion, handily winning over the shadow senator, a late entry in the race whom polls showed was leading , mostly because voters confused him with Michael A. Brown, a current member of the city council who was not running.
Behind the Lens
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I assure you that my images on this page are not the result of trick photography or Photoshop chicanery. That is indeed House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer locking hands with Republican Whip Eric Cantor. And that’s outspoken conservative Congresswoman Jean Schmidt having her softball signed by Speaker Nancy Pelosi.
There they were. Members of Congress of both parties wielding baseball bats, but not at each other.
For one entire evening, bipartisanship indeed reigned supreme as female members of Congress participated at the Second Annual Congressional Women’s Softball game at Guy Mason Park on June 16. The fundraiser raised money for the Young Survival Coalition, a breast cancer advocacy group. The D.C. Women’s Press Corps team came back from an early deficit to defeat the Congressional members squad 13-7 in a spirited match. It was much closer than the final score would indicate, with the Congressional team actually leading until the final inning against a Press team that was, on average, literally half their age.
It’s unfortunate that convivial Congressional events such as these are so rare. The “process” is partly to blame. Members of Congress require enormous quantities of cash to get re-elected. Fundraising demands that they spend a large amount time traveling back to their own districts, leaving less opportunity to socialize with their peers.
Apparently, the way to raise the big money these days is to appeal to the more extreme elements. Partisan acrimony seemed to reach a low point when, during the last Presidential State of the Union address, South Carolina Republican Congressman Joe Wilson screamed “You lie!” Wilson promptly became a hero to the right wing, and millions of dollars poured into his coffers.
Joe Wilson’s remark was not the lowest point in Congressional incivility. That might have been in the spring of 1856, when another South Carolina Congressman, Preston Brooks, assaulted Senator Charles Sumner of Massachusetts literally on the floor of the United States Senate. Sumner had given a speech attacking Brooks’ relative, Senator Andrew Butler. A few days later, Brooks confronted Sumner at his writing desk in the Senate Chamber. Brooks said, “Mr. Sumner, I have read your speech twice over carefully. It is a libel on South Carolina, and Mr. Butler, who is a relative of mine.” As Sumner began to stand up. Brooks began beating Sumner with his wooden walking cane which had a gold head. Sumner, trapped by his desk and blinded by his own blood, collapsed into unconsciousness. Brooks continued to beat Sumner until he broke his cane.
Other Senators rose to help Sumner but were blocked by fellow South Carolina Congressman Laurence M. Keitt, who took out a pistol, shouting “Let them be!” Sumner would be unable to return to his duties in the Senate for three years while he recovered. South Carolinians sent Brooks brand new canes with one bearing the inscription “Hit him again.” Brooks resigned his seat but his constituents, considering him a hero, promptly returned him to Congress.
It is no accident that Congress today has a favorability rating only slightly higher than that of British Petroleum.
As everyone knows, a filibuster is a form of parliamentary obstruction in which a lone member of a legislative body can delay or prevent a vote on a legislative measure. It is not new. One of the first known practitioners of the filibuster was the Roman senator Cato the Younger over 2,000 years ago. There was a rule at the time that all business in the Roman Senate had to be wrapped up by nightfall. With his long-winded speeches, Cato would stop a vote just by talking — and talking. Needless to say, Julius Caesar was not pleased.
Our legislative branch of government had worked reasonably well over the years precisely because the filibuster was only rarely invoked. A minority party that can keep its members in line has the power to stop any legislation or nomination in its tracks, which is what the Republicans have done on almost every occasion since Obama became president.
Under the rules of the U.S. Senate, any senator can speak on any subject unless three-fifths of the Senate (60 members) bring debate to a close by invoking cloture under Rule XXII. Changes to the Senate rules can be changed by a simple majority. Unfortunately, a rule change itself can be filibustered, which makes any change difficult. In the current environment when the majority party fears becoming the minority party, the prospect of eliminating the filibuster rule would seem remote at best.
Clearly this is not what our Founding Fathers intended. I do not suggest that the parties have to agree. Partisan differences are healthy necessities in an American democracy, but serious matters such as immigration, energy, our environment, the deficit and unemployment all demand immediate attention. In a rapidly changing environment, doing nothing is seldom a good option.
The filibuster rule is a purposeless artifact from another time and place. At Wimbledon and the World Cup elimination rounds, someone has to advance, and a tiebreaker is often used to establish a winner. Penalty kicks wouldn’t do too well in the Senate, but a simple up or down vote would work just fine.
Benjamin Franklin once wrote that “in free governments the rulers are the servants and the people their superiors and sovereigns.” That’s a tall challenge, to be sure, but the harmony that prevailed on a Georgetown softball field offers the prospect that all things are possible. [gallery ids="99156,102854,102856" nav="thumbs"]
Remembering Robert Byrd
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West Virginian Robert C. Byrd, Senate stalwart and vacillator, segregationist and crusader for the rights of the trampled, died Monday at age 92, leaving behind him a swath of controversy, a throng of admirers and friends and a legacy to be long remembered, a life fully led.
It’s not unusual for politicians, legislators especially, to serve well into their retirement years, especially if they continue to ride a wave of public favor. Byrd did just that, only he rode something more tsunami-like, an intensely loyal voter bloc that elected him nine consecutive times to the nation’s most prestigious congregation. While there he witnessed — and influenced — the dramatic evolution of America after the second world war: its shift from agrarian economics, the explosion of the middle class, the rise and fall of anti-communist hysteria and the struggle for civil rights, on which Byrd had, at best, a spotty record. During his 51-year tenure as senator, he served in a variety of high-profile capacities, including majority leader, minority leader, president pro tempore and chairman of the Senate’s largest committee (Appropriations), among others.
It’s also not unusual for politicians to reinvent their personalities, to sacrifice their convictions to the popular breeze, be it noble acquiescence to constituents or a rapacious grab for votes. Byrd did this too. In 1942 he joined the Ku Klux Klan, moved up the ranks, and told a prominent segregationist, “Rather I should die a thousand times, and see Old Glory trampled in the dirt … than to see this beloved land of ours become degraded by race mongrels.” He quit the Klan before his run for the House in 1952 (he was elected to the Senate six years later), but for years looked back fondly on the society that first extolled his qualities as a leader. In 1964, part of a coalition of Southern Democrats, he filibustered the Civil Rights Act, but later voted for the 1968 civil rights legislation championed by Lyndon Johnson. By the end of his life, Byrd saw his liaisons with white supremacists and his opposition to racial equality as a stain on his career, and to his grave he was emphatic with regret. In a way, Byrd the man mirrored the trajectory of race relations in our country, reaching, after a century besot with war and class struggle, a kind of moral denouement amounting to reconciliation, a broad step toward total resolution.
He was known for bestowing on his home state a generous annual sum — surpassing $1 billion by the early ’90s — viewed by many as flagrant pork, by others, badly needed relief. He was a man of diverse pursuits that didn’t always pertain to bills, remembered as the one who first brought C-SPAN cameras to the Senate chambers, who knew parliamentary procedure so well he managed to have absent senators arrested and forced back on the floor for a vote. During the Michael Vick debacle he delivered impassioned speeches in defense of man’s best friend. In the last year of his life he was the linchpin vote against a filibuster of the universal health care bill, a position he no doubt found redemptive, given his past.
Most of all, like many enduring men and women, Senator Byrd was an enigma, a maverick before the word became loaded, a man who, much like his country, made his share of mistakes, but could at once look back on them while marching forward.